The curse of Nkandla: Are you sure you want the famous homestead, Julius?

For weeks after the Constitutional Court ordered in June 2021 that Jacob Zuma be jailed for contempt of court, and then amid the legal battle over his later release on medical parole, visitors streamed into Nkandla.

Zuma had refused to appear before the State Capture Inquiry to answer questions about alleged corruption and those who came to his controversial homestead in KwaZulu-Natal hoped to “check in” and “consult” with the former president on the way forward.

They tried to paint a picture of support or encourage him to submit himself to the law of the land, depending on what narrative you believed.

In truth, it appeared more like a procession of mourners hoping to witness first-hand the political death of a veteran.

But in a twist, it was their futures that died over tea in Nkandla.

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Political death in Nkandla

Who can forget the image of the then Human Settlements, Water and Sanitation Minister Lindiwe Sisulu trying to navigate the Nkandla terrain in high heels? She approached the cattle grates in designer shoes, to the disbelief of uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) veterans standing “guard” nearby.

Earlier today we met with Former President Jacob Zuma. We have been deployed here. Our job is to make sure that everything is in order because ultimately the people who are here [Nkandla] are members of the ANC, so we have a direct responsibility.

💚🖤💛 pic.twitter.com/Xe9waUEYea

— Lindiwe Sisulu (@LindiweSisuluSA) July 4, 2021

They would have done little to guard her from the political decline that culminated in her being booted from cabinet and leaving Parliament less than two years later.

Another minister to suffer such a fate was former Police Minister Bheki Cele, who was axed from the executive this year.

It was not only ministers who faded into near oblivion after their visit. AbaThembu King Buyelekhaya Dalindyebo has become the political equivalent of paper blowing in the wind, supporting whichever party offers him the best gifts.

Former SABC exec Hlaudi Motsoeneng and Andile Mngxitama both tried to advance their parties, the African Content Movement and Black First Land First, after tea. Neither party achieved any relevance after the visit, while Mngxitama has had to resign himself to being one of Zuma’s foot soldiers in Parliament.

Never mind Mzwanele Manyi whose underpants are more predictable than his political allegiance.

A KZN curse

ANC KZN chairperson Siboniso Duma and his executive went to Nkandla in 2022 to “seek wisdom” on how to build support for the party.

The result was an embarrassing loss of the province in the latest elections, to the very man they shared a drink with.

Duma and his team should have hung their head in shame and resigned, but, in true ANC fashion, continued to retain their positions as if nothing had happened. It seems accountability is reserved for comrades on only one side of the faction war within the party.

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What about Malema?

Perhaps one of the most famous visitors was EFF leader Julius Malema, who arrived in grandeur via helicopter.

Since his highly-publicised tea party in 2021, Malema’s party grew a little before completely imploding.

The EFF was the biggest loser in May’s national and provincial elections. They not only lost six seats in Parliament but also its position as the third largest party in the country. A position they held before the tea party.

Malema also lost his long-time deputy Floyd Shivambu and several other high-profile members to Zuma’s uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party.

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What to do with Nkandla

While the courts were dealing with Parliament’s decision to not investigate Ramaphosa over the Phala Phala farm robbery this week, the real show was outside. There Malema declared Zuma an enemy and claimed he owed him money from court orders.

He said his lawyers would approach the courts to attach Nkandla to settle the debt.

Critics and analysts will paint Malema’s latest declaration as evidence that he trusted Zuma when he shouldn’t have but don’t think for a second that Malema has the political naivety of a Herman Mashaba, Melusi Gigaba, or Mmusi Maimane.

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This is part of a narrative to temporarily appease those both in and out of the EFF that are against the two parties joining until they realise the process has started long ago.

It also keeps the EFF relevant while the ship slowly sinks.

Both of these are tricks he may have learnt from Zuma, who has used them himself on occasion.

So why would Malema want a cursed Nkandla? Well, maybe he wants to sit on the throne and throw his own doomed tea parties.

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