The impact of Floyd Shivambu’s defection

On 15 August, the EFF held a press conference to announce the resignation of its former deputy president, Floyd Shivambu.

His departure from the radical left-wing party to the newly founded uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party brought shock waves as his resignation was least expected, particularly to his close ally and party co-founder Julius Malema.

Malema stressed that he never anticipated the resignation and it left him dumbfounded, but the organisation had to accept Shivambu’s choice.

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Shivambu’s departure from the EFF received considerable attention from members of the public, media, academics and political pundits.

The dominant narrative attributes Shivambu’s departure to Malema’s purported dictatorship, Malema’s public scathing of the party’s KwaZuluNatal poor election performance under the Floyd-led campaign and his purported covert negotiation to be integrated into the government of national unity, among other things.

Others foresee the departure as the beginning of the party’s demise.

They claim that the party will die because Shivambu was the brain that complemented Malema as the face of the party.

They say it will follow on the heels of the Congress of the People (Cope).

Established in 2008, Cope had a strong political show in the 2009 provincial and national elections, but internal fractures prompted its decline.

I believe Shivambu’s defection will dilute the radical political culture in SA.

Unlike the MK, the EFF has a clear policy position that is grounded on Pan-Africanist socialist philosophy.

This posture has helped the party to represent a broader agenda for the social and economic well-being of SA.

Unlike the de facto flyby-night MK, the EFF responds to the immediate challenges faced by SA people.

Whenever black people face discrimination of all sorts, they often turn to the party to represent them and resolve their issues.

This radicalism makes the party a solution to the masses neglected by neoliberal self-serving politicians.

On the other hand, MK has no policies that guide and shape the organisation.

Even its election manifesto is narrowly written in bullet points and offers no direction on how the party will bring about transformation.

ALSO READ: Malema: EFF leadership said ‘hell no’ to possible Shivambu return

Despite claiming to be progressive, MK seeks to strengthen the role and authority of traditional leaders.

This is alarming because strong traditional leadership may undermine democracy and dissenting views which found expression in radicalism.

As such, strong traditional leadership could reawaken the suppression of dissenting radical views through norms and values that project traditional authorities as supreme leaders.

Historically, the words of traditional leaders were presumed to be final and safeguarded through the saying that “the chief words should be enclosed with walls”.

Another issue that raises reservations about the purported MK’s radical posture is Jacob Zuma’s remarks that pregnant teenage girls ought to be sent to Robben Island.

This reflects the absence of progressive and radical politics on the part of MK. Arguably, sending teenage pregnant girls to Robben Island amounts to promoting patriarchy as teenage boys who impregnated them would continue with their lives and empower themselves.

Thus, MK lacks the radical posture that is needed to change the lives of African women who were disadvantaged by patriarchy and racial discrimination.

The MK’s purported radical posture is also negated by its support base.

The party draws the majority of its electoral support from the KZN, which is largely comprised of Zulu people. Essentially, MK will always represent and prioritise the interests of the Zulu nation, be it in policies or in parliament.

This signals an imminent dilution and probable death of radical politics in the country because MK is likely to represent the interests of the Zulu nation, where traditional leaders still command a lot of respect.

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The politics of personality as opposed to radicalism are the order of the day in the MK.

This should be understood in the context that the party lacked support before the expelled cofounder Jabulani Khumalo ceded power to Zuma.

The party only attracted support after Zuma assumed its presidency. In this regard, the radical culture is downplayed by the popularity of a single leader.

Despite having individuals with considerable accolades and proven competence, their contribution needs to be approved by Zuma as an individual decision-maker.

In this regard, the radical culture of leaders such as impeacher judge John Hlophe and Shivambu is dislocated and will constantly be diluted by the feelings and preferences of the individual decision-maker, Zuma.

If anything, the party is likely to deepen Zuma’s contest against what he coins “the ANC of Ramaphosa”, while advancing no substantive radical political culture.

• Masilela is an undergraduate student majoring in political science and international relations at the School of Government Studies, North-West University, Mafikeng Campus.