What 16 Days of Activism should mean for you
Next two weeks dedicated to the 16 Days of No Violence Against Women Campaign.
Tuesday 25 November marks the beginning of the Sixteen Days of No Violence Against Women Campaign.
Since 1991 Sixteen Days of Activism has been used as a global organising strategy by individuals, civil society and governments to call for the elimination of all forms of violence against women.
Twenty-three years later, we are tempted to despair over the prospects of a losing battle. The statistics are frightening and qualify GBV as a pandemic needing urgent attention.
In Southern Africa, six countries have conducted violence against women (VAW) baseline studies, revealing that gender-based violence (GBV) is pervasive across the region. The highest prevalence is reported in Zambia where 89 per cent of women from the Kasama, Kitwe, Mansa and Mazubuka experienced violence in their lifetime.
Meanwhile 86 per cent of women in Lesotho, 68 per cent in Zimbabwe, 67 per cent in Botswana, 50 per cent in South Africa (Gauteng, Limpopo, Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal) and 24 per cent of women in Mauritius reported having experienced GBV.
The findings reveal something even more disturbing—men interviewed are not only validating these figures, but in some cases exceeding them. From 73 per cent men in Zambia to 22 per cent in Mauritius reported perpetration of gender violence at least once in their life time. The proportion of men reporting rape perpetration in the six countries is significantly higher than the proportion of women reporting experience.
Dismantling the conservative patriarchal social fabric that is characterised by impunity for perpetrators and re-victimisation of women effected is only part of the solution— we also need to fully understand the extent problem.
Gathering information about GBV in all countries where data is missing is critical, because implementing strategies that are not informed by research or that lack comprehensive monitoring and evaluation frameworks is like walking in the dark. Furthermore, without this information citizens and civil society are disempowered, unable to hold governments accountable.
At this point governments’ lack of leadership and political will leaves us both incredulous and despondent, since they seem more committed to diminishing and undoing the little progress we have made towards addressing the tragic realities of gender inequality. We see this not only in widespread patriarchal rhetoric, and the negligible spending on GBV prevention and gender in National Action Plans, but also in the dismal commitment to ensuring 5050 in political decision-making.
After the elections in Malawi and South Africa, we saw declines in women’s representation in government. We await the outcomes for women in Mozambique and Botswana following recent elections, while we can pre-empt a decline of women in government in the upcoming elections in Mauritius considering the very few women fielded by political parties.
After South Africa’s national elections in May, Government disbanded the Ministry of Women, Children and People with Disabilities and established a new Ministry of Women in the Presidency. What is disheartening is that during this transition the National Council against GBV was suspended, meaning its crucial and urgent work is being delayed until Government decides which department will house it.
In South Africa, during a public meeting on the Sixteen Days of Activism hosted by the Ministry of Women, Minister Susan Shabangu opened the session expressing her desire to focus on mobilising men during campaign because, “Men are supposed to be protectors of society. Men are supposed to be protectors of families,” going on to say that women cannot be victims any more.
It is infuriating to hear these victim-blaming and infantilising comments professed by the Ministry of Women. Adding insult to injury, other leaders present also suggested funding for VAW support centres be cut and gender violence be dealt with privately in the home. All these statements are shocking not only because they come from ‘leaders’, but because they perpetuate a culture of silence and fuel the most predominant form of GBV— intimate partner violence, which generally takes place in the home.
These attitudes persist in spite of the horrendous statistics on gender violence, and are in direct conflict with regional and international commitments governments have made to achieving gender equality. In August 2008, SADC heads of state adopted the Protocol on Gender and Development that, among other targets, aims to halve GBV by 2015.
The Protocol requires all member states to act with due diligence to prevent, investigate and punish all forms of gender violence and provide effective recourse for survivors. Some countries have gone a step further to adopt the 365 Day National Action Plans to end GBV.
These plans are welcome, but seem to have become shelved documents gathering dust. Moreover, how do the other states attempt to eliminate GBV when there is little or no baseline data on GBV? How do governments plan on addressing the problem without realistic targets and effective indicators for measuring GBV?
This underscores the need for accurate and comprehensive data to ensure governments’ accountability for preventing, addressing and responding to GBV. There is an urgent need to establish GBV baselines in all SADC countries and to strengthen integrated, costed planning frameworks for ending GBV. There is also a need for agreed indicators standardised across all SADC countries.
If we are not armed with this powerful knowledge, we cannot hold our leaders accountable, we cannot demand our rights and we remain at the whims of politicians. Measuring and responding to GBV is part of every state’s obligation, lest another two decades of war on women’s bodies persists.This is crucial to advancing our ongoing fight for equality, justice and peace.
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