Government lacks political will to quell taxi violence

The minibus taxi association-inspired chaos and mayhem in Cape Town had the locals on edge and – for a change – drew the involvement of the national government. Five people, including a visiting British doctor and a police officer, were killed.

The United Kingdom has issued a “high security threat” advisory against travel to South Africa.

The strike was triggered by the authorities trying to enforce laws by, as a final resort, impounding vehicles for violations such as driving without a licence or registration plates. In response, the SA National Taxi Council (Santaco) launched a one-week provincial shutdown which was accompanied by road barricades, stone-throwing and shootings.

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Such violent skirmishes between rogue taxi owners and local law enforcement are not unique. The Cape Town eruption is, however, different: for the first time, a local authority has not backed down. Also, for the first time, the government has blatantly supported the violent thugs, part of a powerful ANC-aligned lobby.

In the five years to the end of 2022, taxi violence has resulted in 1 653 deaths in just KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng and Western Cape. The sector, with an estimated annual turnover of R90 billion, pays only R5 million a year in taxes.

A Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation report points to official corruption and collusion as major factors.

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“In particular, the ownership of taxis by police and other government personnel directly aids criminality in the industry.”

Aside from some in the ANC elite getting direct financial kickbacks from taxi bosses, this government has become nervous about directly using state resources to quell violence. First, it lacks the political will. Second – and more scarily – it’s not certain that the state is still capable of quelling a largescale eruption of violence.

Both the police and military are much degraded in capacity and training. Consequently, taxi association militancy can be useful to the government.

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The taxi associations were deployed against the radical economic transformation faction’s 2021 KZN and Gauteng riots, as well as to stymie the Economic Freedom Fighters’ national shutdown in March. While there is no evidence the government ordered their involvement, it certainly didn’t try to prevent them.

Similarly, the government’s response to the standoff between the taxi bosses and the DA-controlled Western Cape showed an obvious bias.

Transport Minister Sindisiwe Chikunga came out strongly, ordering the immediate release of minibuses “illegally” impounded, saying “we” are not afraid of JP Smith, the MMC for safety and security. It has since emerged the vehicles were impounded under her department’s National Land Transport Act of 2009.

Police Minister Bheki Cele urged Cape Town to do a deal because of the cost of the continued shutdown. He stood silent but visibly angry beside mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis when the latter told a press conference to do so would be sending the wrong signal.

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“You,” he said to Cele, “negotiate with criminals. We won’t.”

President Cyril Ramaphosa, who was due to speak at a Khayelitsha Woman’s Day event, cancelled, citing “a high security risk” because of the taxi strike. The ANC’s placatory approach has met some support.

There have been panicky editorials and industry organisations urging the city to “not take a hardline but to seek compromise” – all euphemisms for “back down”.

On Thursday, Santaco announced an extension of strike. Yesterday it was all over, with the city’s deal – it will release any “illegally” impounded taxis – giving Santaco a face-saving way out.

The about-turn happened because the government belatedly took stock of the cost of the conflict on tourism – headline news in the UK – and put pressure on the taxi bosses. It was a rare victory for the DA. Most importantly, it was a victory for law and order.

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